Russia has broken through the Oil Price Cap

Russia has managed to break through the Oil Price Cap, with the weekly, average Urals oil price rising to $66 / barrel versus a cap of $60.

Not only is the Urals price above the cap level, it is also $10 / barrel above the average Urals price for the seven years prior to the start of the Ukrainian war.  

The collapse of the Price Cap is also evident in the Urals discount, the difference between the Brent and Urals oil prices.  Historically, the Urals oil price has averaged about $1.50 / barrel less than Brent.  This gap widened to more than $35 / barrel in the early days of the war, but narrowed to around $23 / barrel last fall.  The Price Cap re-opened the gap to near $30 / barrel.  In the last two weeks, however, the gap has once again closed, now back to $20 / barrel, the smallest since early September.

I have criticized the price cap and the EU embargo as the wrong policy from the start -- a year ago now.  I have not changed my view.

EIA PSR Week of April 7: Peak oil (again), and "What Recession?"

  • Crude inventories were flat this week

  • However, excess crude inventories, as measured by seasonally-adjusted days of turnover, have fallen by 14 mb since early March

  • The administration has resumed draws from the SPR.  What's the logic of that?

  • Product inventories are normal

    • Crude and key product inventories, taken together, have fallen by 22 mb since early March as measured by seasonally-adjusted days of turnover, and now stand at only 12 mb, which is effectively nothing in practical terms.

  • Total, gasoline, and jet fuel supplied (consumption) all look good by recent comparisons, particularly jet fuel

    • If the US is heading into recession, it is not apparent in the oil consumption data, where we would expect to see it

  • US crude and condensate production rose by 0.1 mbpd to 12.3 mbpd, materially unchanged in the last ten months

    • The EIA sees US crude and condensate production flat through Q3, rising modestly in 2024

    • This seems rather optimistic, given that US rig counts have been declining for 17 of the last 18 weeks.  If rig counts are down and spread counts are flat, where is US production growth coming from?

    • Indeed, the EIA's April STEO sees February US crude and condensate production as the high point through Q3.  Given the EIA's flat oil price forecast, the impetus for higher rig and spread counts appears to be lacking.  As a result, for the moment, it looks like February 2023 crude and condensate production may be penciled in as the US peak (excluding NGLs) for this cycle.

  • Oil prices have risen sharply on OPEC production cuts.  

    • The futures curve is now in more decided backwardation, and storage incentive analysis suggests the traders expect oil markets to be largely in balance for the rest of the year, that is, current pricing looks sustainable

The US, Ukraine and Trust

Recently leaked intelligence papers suggest that the US is spying on world leaders, including US allies.  This is no doubt true, and it's certainly nothing new.  The very nature of NSA surveillance techniques, which involves culling trillions of bytes of data from every imaginable communications source, by definition will monitor the phones and internet traffic of foreign leaders, and pretty much everyone else.  That means the US spies on Ukraine, too.

And it's probably a good thing.  

One of the interesting cultural differences I observed in Eastern Europe revolves around manager-subordinate relations.  In the US, if a superior asks a question of a subordinate, answering, "I don't know," or "I'm not sure," is okay.  Expressing doubts about an initiative is not only acceptable, but often required.  The manager is trying to ascertain what is known and unknown, and as a manager myself, I wanted the story straight up.  This kind of interaction comes directly from the liberal arts tradition, where inquiry, uncertainty and an exchange of ideas is encouraged.  A topic can be discussed irrespective of the status of the participants.  

That is not the system in Eastern Europe.  Students tend to be taught rote, and they are expected to know the 'right' answer.  Failure to do so draws a demerit.  Subordinates therefore feel under pressure to yield the 'proper' answer, resulting in claims of competence, knowledge or expertise which they may lack.  Consequently, an American manager will regularly be surprised by Eastern European subordinates who bite off more than they can chew and fail to deliver.  This in turn leads to delays and greater problems down the line.

This sounds a bit like the information, or rather the lack of it, coming out of Kyiv regarding Ukraine's combat capabilities.  We know much more about Russian personnel, tank, aircraft and artillery losses than we know about Ukraine's.  This leads to unwelcome surprises, for example, seeing Ukraine cede ground where we might expect it to be winning.  Part of that arises from Kyiv's culturally conditioned fear of divulging bad news, of giving the ‘wrong’ answer.

On the other hand, just because you're paranoid doesn't mean that they are not out to get you.  US support for Ukraine is ultimately political.  Kyiv has to keep the US public on board and may feel a need to paint a rosier picture than the reality on the ground.  Further, the hard right wing of the Republican Party wants to cut Kyiv loose, and President Biden remains hesitant about pursuing victory over Russia.  No less than Ben Hodges, former commanding general of U.S. Army Europe, has excoriated the Biden administration for this waffling:

"Just say, 'we want Ukraine to win.' Instead, what we hear from very good, smart, hardworking senior officials [is], 'we want Ukraine to be in the best, in the strongest possible position so that when they go to the negotiating table, they're in a good, strong position.'"

What trust should Kyiv lend the US under the circumstances?  The Ukrainians are fighting for their lives, and the Biden administration is playing for a tie.  Does that foster open, full and frank communications?  Or does it open the door to another Afghanistan-style disaster in 2024 as the Ukraine slowly runs out of men?

I always try to close my posts with some interesting insight.  Here I struggle.  Trust is important.  That's cliche.  The partners should trust each other.  Well, the partners' objectives are not quite aligned.  Moreover, the Ukrainians are a bit unsophisticated, and the US president vacillates.  Maybe the US and Ukraine should not trust each other entirely. In such a world, spying can have an upside, because it can deliver bad news on the sly and allow US planners to adjust military support more rapidly.  At the same time, Kyiv cannot afford to fully trust US leadership and be a passive consumer of US policy.  The Ukrainians need to be able to think for themselves, and outside the military sphere, they remain subpar in this regard by a substantial margin.

Finally, President Biden's legacy still rests on victory in Ukraine.  Two days after the start of the war, I wrote The Democrats will be buried in the Ashes of  Kyiv, in which I argued that the Biden administration will own any loss in Ukraine.  That's also true for a 'tie' which allows Russia to retain any of its gains.  Moreover, the administration has to see Ukraine win the war within the next sixteen months if it wants credit at the polls next November, and that includes any possible recession between now and then.  For the Biden administration, playing for a tie is fraught with risk and likely a political loser.

The administration would do better to commit to victory.  With it, the Ukrainians will trust us more.  This can lead to victory in the field, which should ensure President Biden's re-election in 2024.  

Perhaps that's the lesson for today.  Commitment creates trust, and trust is political capital in the long run.

Rigs and Spreads Apr. 7: Declines within overall stagnation

  • Rigs counts fell again

  • Total oil rig counts fell, -2 to 590

  • Horizontal oil rig counts were -3 at 542

  • The Permian horizontal oil count was flat.

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions fell to -2.25 / week on a 4 wma basis.  

    • This number has been negative for 17 of the last 18 weeks

    • Rigs counts have been falling at a pace of 2.5 / week for the last couple of months, and our model suggests continued falls in the 1-2 / week range

  • Frac spreads were -8 to 287

  • At current estimated rig and spread productivity levels, we would expect the DUC inventory down over the coming month

  • The overall picture is one of stagnation, in rig and spread counts, DUC inventory, and in US crude and condensate production

M2 Velocity: A Polarized Outlook

The path of US inflation depends in large part on the outlook for the velocity of money (M2).

The velocity of money is defined as GDP divided by the money supply, M2 in this case. In colloquial terms, it measures the number of times money turns in the economy every year. From 1960 until 1990, the velocity of money (M2) was broadly stable around 1.8 times per year.

This accelerated to 2.2 times during the Clinton administration, but began a long decline after 2000. Velocity stabilized a few times in the intervening years, but resumed its decline eventually.

From 2017 until the start of the pandemic, velocity appears to have stabilized around 1.45 turns per year.

Velocity collapsed with the pandemic, with the great slug of stimulus staying on the sidelines initially and thereby collapsing velocity. In the last year, however, velocity has begun to increase, and on current trends, might be expected to regain pre-pandemic levels by the second half of 2024.

Were this to occur, and were monetary policy neutral (that is, growing at the same pace as GDP), the we might expect a few pretty hot quarters of inflation in mid-2023, as high as 9% for a quarter or two. However, if the Fed continues to reduce M2 at the pace of the last five months, assuming no recession, inflation would come in around 6.5% per the model for the next few quarters, but return to normal levels by 2024.

Source: FRED M2V

Alternatively, the velocity of M2 could resume its long-term decline. In such an event, the US would be on the cusp of deflation of about 3.3% / year, almost 6% allowing for a continued reduction of the money supply (M2) at the pace of the last five months.

These are two highly polarized outcomes, one with an inflation surge and another promising a bout of brutal deflation, almost certainly accompanied by a stiff recession.

It’s difficult to know how to choose between these two eventualities, and I could make a case for either.

However, if we look to the precedent of the Spanish Flu of 1918, then a clear preference emerges. Deflation is on the horizon. The US suffered a short but sharp downturn known as the Depression of 1920/1921, that is, three years after the start of the flu. During this downturn, GDP is estimated to have fallen by 2.4 % to 6.9% and prices declined by 13% to 18%, depending on the study.

It would be comforting to think we could avoid the mistakes of history, but the cynic in me is inclined to think that we will prove no smarter than we were a century ago.

Russia Jan-Feb Deficit running at 10% of GDP

Jan-Feb figures from the Russian Ministry of Finance indicate that the Russian federal budget is running a deficit at the pace of 10% of GDP.

This is a relative improvement over January, when the annualized deficit was running at the pace of 13.7% of GDP. However, it is consistent with the numbers since Q3 2022, when our analysis showed the Russian budget in a deficit of 10% of GDP, as now.

On the revenue side, the chief culprits is oil and gas revenues, down 46% compared to the same period last year. Meanwhile, expenses related to state procurement, including the funding of the war, are up 52% compared to Jan.-Feb. last year. The result is a large deficit, compared to a modest surplus last year. Anecdotal information, notably reports of delayed, partial and missing payments to Russian soldiers in Ukraine, are consistent with a shortage of cash in Kremlin’s coffers.

This current deficit is large, but not unexpected for a country in the middle of a major war and struggling with associated sanctions.

As before, Russia may be expected to cover most of the deficit by draws from its sovereign wealth fund, which should see it through 2023.

Understanding the Bank Run

I know bank runs.

In 1998, I was Director for Financial Advisory Services (FAS) for Deloitte & Touche in Budapest.  FAS was the investment banking arm of Deloitte, and I had been chosen to lead the privatization of Hungary's second largest bank, Postabank.  It was run by Gábor Princz, a short, squat man with a bad reputation.

Most Americans are not familiar with postal banks, but many European countries have them.  These allow members of the public to deposit and withdraw cash at their local post office, handy for a country with thin banking coverage.  As a result, postal banks are the most retail of all retail banks, true widows-and-orphans institutions, the place Hungarian retirees would go to collect their meager pensions in cash. 

Postabank should have been a boring bank, but this was post-communist Hungary.   One could hear on the street that "Postabank stands behind" such and such an entrepreneur. This would be truly bizarre posture for a commercial bank.  You will never hear, for example, "Bank of America stands behind the Stop-'n-Shop."  However, we might instead expect to hear that from a private equity or hedge fund.  And that's exactly what Princz had done with Postabank: transformed it into his own personal hedge fund. Princz used Postabank to bankroll any number of dodgy characters, many of them with better political connections than business expertise.

As was the case with everything in Budapest, this was widely known and a cause for concern.  The Socialist government of Gyula Horn was keen to privatize the bank.  The problem was, however, that none of the Big Four accounting firms was willing to sign off on the bank’s audit.  Well, none except Deloitte & Touche.   Some senior partners at Deloitte had historical ties to the Socialist Party from way back in the socialist days. (There is a direct line from this to Russia's capture of Hungary's foreign policy, by the way.)  Over howls of protest from the auditors, Deloitte certified Postabank's books.  No doubt purely by coincidence, Deloitte was promptly awarded the mandate to privatize the bank.

I was chosen to be the privatization lead.

A week or two later, at 10 am on February 28th of 1998, I was at my desk when I saw a murmuring among my Hungarian staff, flurries of emails, and hushed phone calls.  I naturally asked what was going on, to be told that Postabank was rumored to be failing and depositors were queuing to get their money out.  By noon, it was all over.  The bank had failed.  In that two-hour stretch, Hungary had lost more than 1% of its GDP.  

This colorful, if disastrous, story from post-communist Hungary is a tale of a classic bank run, of depositors -- panicked that bank management had lent their money to shady or uncreditworthy borrowers -- stampeding to withdraw their money.  

This is not the story of SVB.

No one has accused SVB of reckless loans to bad clients.  SVB did not and does not have a non-performing loan problem.  Indeed, half of its deposits were invested in US government treasuries and agency-backed (government guaranteed) mortgage securities.  Lending money does not get safer than that, and indeed, Investopedia notes that "the interest rate on a three-month U.S. Treasury bill (T-bill) is often used as the risk-free rate for U.S.-based investors."   To all appearances, SVB set conservative lending standards.

So why the run on SVB?

It is a story of bad management, not at the commercial banks, but rather at the US Federal Reserve Bank and Treasury.  The most important error was one of construction.  The Fed believed that the pandemic downturn was the equivalent of the Great Recession and required a ‘go big’ policy. As Fed Chairman Jerome Powell saw it in October 2020:

"Too little support would lead to a weak recovery, creating unnecessary hardship for households and businesses. Over time, household insolvencies and business bankruptcies would rise, harming the productive capacity of the economy, and holding back wage growth. By contrast, the risks of overdoing it seem, for now, to be smaller. Even if policy actions ultimately prove to be greater than needed, they will not go to waste."

This view underpinned the Treasury’s decision to push the Federal Funds Rate (FFR) effectively to zero. 

Only twice in the prior century had this happened, during the Great Depression and the Great Recession, with the FFR held at zero not for a few months, but for seven years at a time.  Because both qualified as depressions, zero interest rates had virtually no effect on either asset prices or inflation.  In the Great Recession, for example, home prices did not regain their 2006 peak until 2017.  

But the pandemic was not a depression, but a suppression.  This is the difference between Jimmy getting the flu and Jimmy being grounded.  The economy was not sick during the pandemic, it was locked down.  Imagine that the parents ground Jimmy and say, "Stay in your room, but here's $2,000 in spending money."  It's clear that Jimmy would be in a mood to spend when conditions permitted.  In the meanwhile, Jimmy contemplated what to do with easy money, and went out and invested in real estate and stocks. From Jan. 2020 to June 2022, house prices increased nationally by 45%, and this during a period when a chunk of the economy was shut down.  Stocks similarly benefitted, with the S&P 500 doubling in value.  But this was nothing compared to the tech stocks.  Tesla's valuation, for example, increased 25-fold in less than one year.   Unlike the Great Recession, zero interest rates exploded house and tech company valuations.  This happened because the Fed and Treasury misunderstood the essential nature of the downturn.  It was not a depression, and not even a recession by traditional metrics, as the economy bottomed in less than one quarter.  It was a suppression, an external force -- covid and resulting lockdowns -- preventing the economy from operating.  By mistaking the nature of the downturn, the Fed and Treasury vastly overstimulated the economy.  

For SVB, this would prove the perfect storm.  Soaring valuations led tech companies to raise capital and deposit the money in, well, Silicon Valley Bank.  SVB's deposits quadrupled during the pandemic.  But how should SVB invest the funds?  Given rock bottom interest rates, SVB took a conservative approach and invested half of its funds in 3-month treasuries and mortgages guaranteed by the US government.  SVB did not make unusually bad loans. No one has suggested that they did. 

So what happened?

As it turns out, the action is all on the liabilities -- customer cash deposits -- side.  As readers will recall, US Treasury Secretary Yellen and Fed Chair Powell assured the public as late as mid-2021 that inflation was 'transitory'.  This faith was based on a rejection of the Quantity Theory of Money (QTM), which holds that the price level is a function of the quantity of money in the economy.  This concept is best captured by the famous quote from the Nobel Laureate economist Milton Friedman, who said, “Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon, in the sense that it is and can be produced only by a more rapid increase in the quantity of money than in output.”  Alas, Friedman’s view had fallen out of fashion, most notably at the Treasury and Fed, giving Powell and Yellen the confidence to blow out the money supply by nearly 40%. 

QTM would have cautioned that the price level should rise by near 40%, that is, that the US should experience inflation summing to 40% (less real GDP growth) over a period of, say, 2-4 years.  Not so, said Yellen and Powell.  At worst, inflation would be transitory.

This notion was not entirely unfounded.  From late 2007 to just before the pandemic, increases in the money supply should have generated a cumulative 60% increase in prices.  Instead, over those twelve years, the US saw only 20% inflation in total.  However, that period saw the Great Recession (really a depression), as well as the rise of China and aging demographics in the US, with all this playing out over more than a decade.  

By contrast, the Fed injected a massive amount of liquidity into the economy in 2020, with the resulting dynamics closer to those of the 1970s oil shocks.  But even here the comparison is qualified.  The second biggest injection of liquidity in the last sixty years came in 1971-1972.  During a two-year period, the money supply grew enough to imply a 14% rise in prices.  By contrast, in 2020, the Fed injected liquidity three times the 1971 precedent -- and all in one quarter!  It is hard to overstate just how aggressive monetary and fiscal stimulus was during the pandemic.  The result was persistently high inflation, leading to a change of heart at the Fed.

Figure 1

Source: FRED M2SL, GDP, GDPC1, CPI, Princeton Policy analysis

Early last year, the Federal Reserve determined that reducing inflation would require raising interest rates after all, which began in earnest in Q2 2022.  By July, it was apparent that the Fed would follow the so-called Taylor Rule or a variant to bring down inflation.  A number of economists analyzed the implications, one version of which, labelled “P&P Balanced Approach”, can be seen on the graph below.  This suggested that the interest rate on the 3-month treasury bill would reach 4% by year-end 2022 and 4.4% in the first quarter of this year, and so it proved.  

Figure 2

Source: Federal Reserve 2022 Stress Test Scenarios, 2023 Stress Test Scenarios; David Papell and Ruxandra Prodan, “The Fed Fell Behind the Curve by Not Following its Own Policy Rules” in Econbrowser (July 2022); KPMG Insights on Inflation; CNBC

Nevertheless, the Fed never subjected the banks to a stress test at anywhere near this level in 2022.  The highest level the Fed tested was 0.7%, not the 4.0% which proved to be the case.  Indeed, the Fed was testing at 0.5% at mid-year when the 3-month rate was already at 2.7%.  

If the Fed was failing miserably in its mission, the banks were most certainly not.  The finance department of any bank will run profit and loss numbers weekly, if not daily.  They are all familiar with the Taylor Rule and were well aware, by mid-year, of the likely path of interest rates going forward.  They must have been alarmed, because these same banks had issued a tsunami of mortgages around 3% interest rates in the orgy of lending from Q1 2020 to early 2022.  If the cost of deposits rose to 4.5%, and the banks were earning 3% on mortgages, they would be structurally loss-making, with virtually no prospect of escape.  I can only imagine that this was brought to the attention of Secretary Yellen and Chairman Powell not once, but a dozen times, from July onward -- including from the Fed's and Treasury's own analysts.

And this brings us full circle to SVB. The graph below shows the underlying reality of SVB and other commercial banks.  From May 2022, the Treasury rate began to climb, rapidly pulling away from bank interest-bearing deposits like savings and money market accounts.  As of this past week, banks were paying on average 0.54% interest on existing deposits even as treasuries were offering 4% (pp) more.  In a bank like SVB, one with sophisticated corporate clients, depositors will begin to remove the funds from the bank and invest them in much higher paying treasuries.  Of course, the bank could offer higher interest rates, and most offer around 4% on new savings accounts today.   But this hardly helps, and may hurt.  Many retail clients may not appreciate just how low their interest rate is.  Therefore, raising the interest rate will eventually raise it even for clients who are willing to accept a lower rate.  Consequently, raising deposit rates may actually make the bank worse off than allowing some portion of existing clients to remove their funds. 

In the case of SVB, the rapid rise in interest rates led to a kind of structural run on deposits.  As the bank was unable to offer competitive terms, depositors removed their money.  This forced SVB to sell its assets, those treasuries and agency-backed mortgages, to pay for redemptions.  Of course, with the dramatic rise in interest rates, these assets could only be sold at a loss.  When the asset liquidation started, SVB's clients lost faith in the bank and triggered a more traditional, panic-driven run.  

There is nothing particularly special about SVB, regardless of what you might read.  It was more exposed than other banks due to its affiliation with the tech industry.  Nevertheless, the regional banks, those who make a living issuing mortgages to homeowners in their communities, are similarly at risk.  For this reason, the Mid-Size Bank Coalition of America, which represents more than 100 lenders, called on the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation to put backstops in place and broaden its protection for smaller banks.  A group of economists underscored the risk, noting that “almost 190 banks are at a potential risk of impairment to insured depositors.” Nor is that the upper limit, as the study authors further caution that, “if uninsured deposit withdrawals cause even small fire sales, substantially more banks are at risk.”

*****

Any number of articles in the media have impugned the integrity of bank management, notably at SVB.  Even more are calling for ever stricter regulation.  

The current crisis is not a regulatory or moral hazard problem.  It is entirely the making of the US Federal Reserve, abetted by the US Treasury.  Once again we see exceptionally poor analysis at the Fed and Treasury.  

It is high time for the Fed to run appropriate stress tests to determine how much the banks can bear.  Short-term interest rates must be set to a level compatible with the survival of the US banking sector.  That may mean higher inflation for longer, which is exactly the implication of exploding the money supply by 40% three years ago.  The Fed and Treasury must assume responsibility for their mistakes, rather than trying to foist their errors onto the banking community.

Rigs, Spreads, and March DPR: Huge Shale Oil Supply Revisions

Readers will recall that, for the last several months, I have noted that US oil production per the EIA's weekly Petroleum Status Report was inconsistent with the data from the EIA's monthly Drilling Productivity Report (DPR) 

The graph below shows that state of play as of last week.  The two red arrows at right show the contradictory trends, with total oil production essentially flat while shale oil production is shown rising at a healthy clip.  I have noted that this contradiction would have to be resolved by either increasing the weekly numbers or reducing shale oil output.  

We now have the answer.  

The graph below shows the state of play as of March 14th, when the EIA issued the March DPR.  It shows simply massive downward reductions in US shale oil output.  In the March report, shale oil output from the key plays is reduced by 443,000 bpd for January and 250,000 bpd for February.  If we go back one more month to the January DPR, shale oil production has been reduced by 542,000 bpd for December 2022.  This is a huge revision, more than 4% of total US crude and condensate production over a two month period.

With this revision, as the current graph (below) shows, US shale oil production is largely flat over the last four months, and trends in shale oil supply are consistent with the overall US crude oil supply (including conventional onshore wells, Gulf of Mexico offshore, and Alaska).  I need hardly point out that this is not good news, as the visible peak of horizontal oil rigs is now beginning to pair up with plateauing oil production, just as we would expect.  

The most plausible interpretation is that US crude and condensate production will stagnate for the balance of the year.  As I wrote in The Oil Supply Outlook (Feb. 2), the plateau has been expected since at least 2017 (see Fig. 6), so it should come as no surprise.  I think the surprise, however, will be in production trends going forward.  The EIA sees a long plateau in US oil production.  I think it more likely that we'll see the beginning of an erosion in supply from 2024.

In light of this, President Biden's approval of drilling in Alaska is not hard to understand, but don't expect it to have a material impact on supply anytime soon.

*****

Rig and Spread Counts (for March 10)

  • Rigs counts fell again

    • Total oil rig counts fell, -2 to 590

    • Horizontal oil rig counts were flat at 551

    • The Permian shed 3 horizontal oil rigs.  Not good.

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions fell to -3.0 / week on a 4 wma basis.  

    • This number has been negative for 13 of the last 14 weeks

    • As before, our model suggests that rig counts could erode at a pace of -1 / week for the next two months

  • Frac spreads were flat at 276

  • DUCS were up 9 for the month of February, essentially flat as a statistical matter.

    • At current rig and spread counts and productivity levels, we would expect the DUC inventory broadly flat in the coming month


Rigs and Spreads March 10th.pdf

EIA PSR Week of March 3rd: Steady

  • Crude inventories fell marginally this week

  • Nevertheless, excess crude inventories, as measured by seasonally-adjusted days of turnover, rose 6.7 mb on flat refinery runs at a time when they should be rising seasonally.

  • Product inventories are normal

  • Excess inventories in in aggregate were up 10.6 mb, a pretty hefty, but not unprecedented, gain

  • Total, gasoline, and distillate consumption (supplied) were all down this week but still look good on a 4 wma basis

    • Gasoline supplied in particular is looking healthy, generally a positive signal for the economy

  • US crude and condensate production declined by 0.1 mbpd to 12.2 mbpd, materially unchanged since last August

  • Oil prices remain range-bound.  

    • The futures curve remains in soft contango, with the market expecting normal supply/demand conditions to return in the second half of the year

Russia oil production grows, returns to near pre-war levels

The EIA, the analytics arm of the US Department of Energy, published the February oil markets data in its latest STEO (Short-term Energy Outlook) yesterday.  The EIA reports that Russian oil production rose to 11.13 mbpd in February, the highest since April 2022 and a whopping 1.1 mbpd higher than the EIA's forecast from two months ago.

In fact, as visible on the graph above, the EIA has been 'forecast surfing' since last July.  That is, the EIA anticipated that embargoes and price caps would precipitate production declines, particularly related to the more difficult market in refined products.  Month after month, the EIA forecast that, although production declines had not yet kicked in, they would soon begin.  Thus, the EIA has published a series of forecasts showing a cascade of anticipated production declines, with the Russians thwarting expectations month after month.  The visual impression, as one can see on the graph above, is of a kind of 'forecast surfing', as though the actual data were surfing on an ocean wave.

Why has the EIA proven so wrong to date?  And why has our forecast from last July -- the Black Market line on the graph -- proven so much more accurate?

In general, the EIA's track record for forecasting is about as good as one will find, whether from the investment banks like Goldman Sachs or from specialised consultancies like S&P Global.  The EIA is staffed with competent, dedicated professionals with long-tenure as a rule.  So why the miss month after month for Russian oil production?

The EIA's models are built on market forecasts, emphasizing elements like customer requirements and tanker availability.  There is nothing wrong with this, as oil is normally traded under market conditions (with some exceptions regarding OPEC).  By contrast, our forecast from last July is a black market forecast, that is, it operates under a different set of assumptions.  Chief among these is that prohibitions -- whether on quantities like the EU embargo or on prices like the oil price cap -- tend to lead to evasion accompanied by vast corruption and unbounded hypocrisy.  Thus, we assumed that the Russians would find a way around the sanctions, and the numbers to date suggest this in fact has happened.

The shape of our forecast comes from historical data on black markets, most notably from the US Prohibition era, when alcohol consumption was illegal in the United States.  As the graph below shows, Prohibition was initially successful, but within two years consumption had returned to levels only modestly below that of the pre-Prohibition era.  

The Russian production data show a similar pattern, with the exception that the recovery took two months, not two years​. This is no surprise​, given that the various oil sanctions do not apply to much of the globe, including India, China and the Middle East.   Overall, however, we see the same pattern: initial success ​of the sanctions ​followed by a supply recovery to a level modestly lower than the pre-prohibition state.   We made our Russian oil forecast using this approach, and to date it has held up better than the EIA's numbers.  This, again, is not due to superior forecasting technique, but rather the use of an entirely different forecasting paradigm.  

Forecasting is, of course, a precarious ​endeavor.  The Russians have announced oil production cuts equalling 650,000 bpd, and these should begin to manifest in the March data.  If the EIA is not entirely right, it may not be entirely wrong either.  Still, the Russians are likely to find ways around embargoes and price caps.  The more time passes, the more successful they will be.  That is what a black market model suggests.

All of this is of moderate interest.  Of greater interest are the other manifestations of black markets.  For example, the model suggests that the sanctions and price caps are drawing China into the war on the Russian side -- a topic which we will address in another post.

Rigs and Spreads March 3: The unwind continues

  • Rigs counts fell this again week

  • Total oil rig counts fell, -8 to 592

  • Horizontal oil rig counts also declined, -5 to 561

  • The Permian shed 4 horizontal oil rigs.  No good.

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions fell to -1.25 / week on a 4 wma basis.  

    • This number has been negative for twelve of the last thirteen weeks

  • As before, our model suggests that rig counts could erode at a pace of -1 / week for the next two months

  • Frac spreads were up, +4 at 276

  • At our estimates of rig and spread productivity rates, DUCs would again appear to be falling, and from low levels at that.  Next week’s DPR should confirm or refute DUC trends, but an industry unable to hold even modest inventory levels can be presumed to be in bad shape.

EIA PSR Week of Feb. 27: Plus ça change

Not much change this week.  Excess crude inventories fell marginally; production was unchanged.  The only newsworthy item was gasoline supplied (consumption) which looked the best since the start of the war.

  • Crude inventories were flat this week

  • Excess crude inventories, as measured by seasonally-adjusted days of turnover, fell 2.7 mb.  Seasonality accounts for the modest decline.

  • Crude inventories remain well below long-term levels, but are creeping up

  • Product inventories are normal, with distillate a bit tight

  • Excess inventories in aggregate are a bit high but moving sideways

  • Demand (product supplied) in general is perhaps a bit improved.  

    • Total product supplied is up, but still 3% below normal

    • Distillate supplied remains 7.5% below normal, but recovering

    • Gasoline was the bright spot this week.  Gasoline supplied remains 2.2% below normal (4 wma basis) but is the highest since the start of the war.  The last two weeks have been marginally above normal, suggesting strength in the economy.

  • US Lower 48 crude and condensate production remains unchanged at 11.9 mbpd, as does total oil production at 12.3 mbpd 

  • Oil prices have firmed but remain range-bound.  

    • Strength in gasoline consumption suggests higher prices, but the futures curve remains in soft contango

    • The Russians have announced production cuts which come out to 650,000 bpd as a result of being unable to fully place their refined products in global markets following the Feb. 5 EU products embargo.  (Kudos to the EIA on this call, at least to date.)  Let’s see if it moves prices . 

  • Bottom line: Not much change since last week

The Economics and Exploitation of Undocumented Migrant Child Labor

The New York Times recently published a feature piece entitled Alone and Exploited, Migrant Children Work Brutal Jobs Across the U.S. The article essentially amounts to a classic exposition of the black market in migrant labor and is all but a poster child for market-based visas.

Due to various legal rulings over the last two decades and especially permissive policies under the Biden administration, unaccompanied minors can enter the US and remain in the country for years at a time. By providing preferential treatment to minors, the government has created a bias towards child migrant labor. Indeed, the prospect of work is the principal cause of illegal entry, with the NYT noting that "in interviews with more than 60 caseworkers, most independently estimated that about two-thirds of all unaccompanied migrant children ended up working full time."  The share could be even higher.  In north Grand Rapids, according to the article, "93 percent of children have been released to adults who are not their parents."  Thus, family reunification is not the primary motivator of child migration.  Rather, even for minors, the whole point of entering the US illegally is to find work.  Illegal immigration is a black market in migrant labor -- whether for minors or adults -- as we have always contended.  

The article then goes on to detail all the ills of such a situation: debts incurred that must be repaid by these minors, long hours, dangerous work, exorbitant lodging fees, false identification expenses, and "sponsor" fees. In addition, many of these minors are hired by staffing agencies which launder their credentials to allow them to work. That is, the migrants are hired by an agency -- not by the ultimate employer -- with the agency providing 'assurances' to the employer that the migrant is both legal and of age. The agencies will, of course, take their cut of the migrants wages. A big cut. Think Pablo Escobar meets Robert Half.

Further, we can assume other issues. The first is wage theft by direct employers, most notably by staffing agencies. Wage theft occurs when promised wages are not paid in full. This is typical for migrant labor in the US and has historically been one of the major complaints of undocumented workers. In addition, large-scale sexual exploitation of underage female migrants is all but certain. As noted above, minor girls are being released in the US, in most cases, to the care and households of people who are not their parents and in many cases may be presumed to be part of labor smuggling groups. Female minors will be poorly positioned to resist advances and coercion from sponsors or other persons residing in the household.

How are we to make sense of this catastrophic situation?

As ever, we can bundle all these issues into a financial analysis to understand the dynamics of exploitation.

Right now, minimum wage labor can command around $15 / hour in the US. If a staffing agency is used, figure they take 40% of the gross or $6 / hour to front for undocumented, under-age labor. The sponsor may take another $2 / hour and an inherently higher cost of living in the US, another $2 / hour.

Thus, of the $15 / hour gross wage, the minor is left with perhaps $4-6 / hour, $5 / hour per our model. This becomes cash available for remittances.

All this is lousy from the US perspective, save that net US wages for undocumented minors are still double the wage available for unskilled adults in Guatemala. Therefore, undocumented minors have an economic incentive to endure their harsh reality in the US. The current system is perverse and degrading, but it is economically workable, which is why 250,000 unaccompanied minors have entered the US over the last two years.

The costs, however, are more than those counted in cash. Non-cash exploitation and trauma costs must also be factored in. As noted above, the risks would appear greatest for undocumented girls, particularly related to sexual harassment or coercion. The NYT's article alludes to the brutal reality:

It has been a little more than a year since Carolina left Guatemala, and she has started to make some friends. Mostly, though, she keeps to herself. Her teachers do not know many details about her journey to the border. When the topic came up at school recently, Carolina began sobbing and would not say why.

Do we not know why? Prior to the current system, when adult women from Mexico and Central America paid coyotes to guide them across the Sonoran desert to Arizona, stories of sexual assault were common. But so was the tendency of victims to internalize the trauma and bear the scars in silence for fear of social stigma and humiliation. The current system is potentially worse -- far worse -- as we are now speaking of minors literally living with 'sponsors' as all but indentured servants and enjoying virtually no legal protection. As many as 50,000 under-age girls may be at serious risk. The NYT's article does not tell us whether this is in fact happening, but the analytics suggest sexual exploitation is widespread.

The system works as it does because the US has, in effect, privatized (more precisely, waived) the value of the work permit, enabling sleazy intermediaries to capture its value. The right to work in the US is extremely valuable, as I often point out. Indeed, the value of the visa in principle could be as high as the predation cost shown above, $20,000 / year. If the US government does not claim that value, someone else in the supply chain -- cartels, guides, smugglers, sponsors, staffing agencies, or direct employers -- will tend to capture it. This is the fundamental economic reality of illegal immigration.

In a market-based system, the situation would be quite different. To begin with, such a system would eliminate minors. Market-based work visas would have an age minimum, probably 18. Therefore, minors would be screened out, just as they should be. Moreover, such a system would allow migrants to work for any participating company, whenever they want (subject to annual time limits). There is no indenturing effect. Migrants can come and go as they please and enjoy full US legal protections in the process. This improves the lot of the migrants because they have leverage with their employer -- they are not tied in debt bondage -- and they have legal protection from criminal behavior, including sexual assault.

The New York Times article -- I encourage you to read it -- frames the current system as some inexplicable social dysfunction, the result of evil sponsors and employers exploiting vulnerable children. It most certainly involves exploitation, but the US system is working exactly as US policy-makers have designed and implemented it as a practical matter. The article catalogs the classic adverse effects of prohibitions and resulting black markets. The system is not anomalous. It is operating exactly as black market theory predicts.

Ending the use of undocumented, minor labor is straight-forward. Central Americans do not send their children to work in the US because they are heartless. They send them because the adults are unable to enter the US to work. If we transition to a market-based, legalize-and-tax system, ending the employment of undocumented children is trivial. Ending the associated exploitation and the suffering, for both minors and adults, is inherent in the approach.

We are finally at a stage at which social conservatives are willing to take a look at a market-based approach. This is truly incredible and real open-mindedness from those pegged as narrow and prejudiced.

But where is the political left? Where are all those who claim to care about the undocumented? When will they stand up and say that a legalize-and-tax, market-based approach is worth a serious look? Or will they look away as long as they can claim to be 'nice' by letting unaccompanied minors into the US, and ignore the tragedies suffered by these exploited children?

Rigs and Spreads Week of Feb. 24: Yuck

The rig and spread data look, frankly, like garbage.  Rigs and spreads are unable to hold level, and our analysis suggests DUCs are at best hanging on by their fingertips and actually appear to be eroding at our estimates of rig and spread productivity.  The breakeven to add rigs has averaged $78 / barrel WTI for the last two months (and higher before).  The shale oil sector clearly depends on a high oil price.  Long gone are the days of $40 / barrel breakevens.  Fair enough, the Permian continues to add supply at a decent pace, but for how long?  

Matt Johnson of Primary Vision, the industry's go-to source for frac spread data, sees no joy on the horizon either, noting that

“The rig count is middling at best, service prices are depressed even as providers continue to struggle with supply chain and labor woes, and operators are being so tight with their money. Spread count might not go anywhere this year.”

*******

  • Rigs counts were down this week

    • Total oil rig counts fell, -7 to 600

    • Horizontal oil rig counts also declined, -6 to 566

    • The Permian shed 1 horizontal oil rig

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions fell to -1.0 / week on a 4 wma basis.  This number has been negative for eleven of the last twelve weeks

  • The breakeven to add horizontal rigs came in at $78 / barrel on a WTI basis with $76 on the screen

    • Our model suggests that rig counts could erode at a pace of -1 / week for the next two months

  • Frac spreads were flat at 272

  • All of this paints an unfavorable picture of the US shale oil sector

EIA PSR Week of Feb. 17: Will WTI fall into the $60s?

  • Crude inventories built again this week, up 9 mb

  • As last week, excess crude inventories, as measured by seasonally-adjusted days of turnover, rose 2.2 mb.  Seasonality and rising runs account for the lower gain in excess inventories measured by turnover days.

  • Excess crude inventories have risen for 9 of the last 11 weeks

  • Crude inventories remain 250 mb below long-term averages, although this does not matter much for operating inventories as US oil consumption remains about 1 mbpd below normal

  • Product inventories are normal, with distillate a bit tight

  • Demand (product supplied) looks a bit brighter, but keep in mind that refiners and distributors probably stuffed retail channels ahead of the President’s Day holiday on Monday, thereby inflating the appearance of improving consumption.  Let’s see whether this reverses next week

  • US Lower 48 crude and condensate production rose 0.1 mbpd to 11.9 mbpd, although total oil production was unchanged at 12.3 mbpd (due to a bit less production from Alaska).  This was the highest L48 production in almost three years, although still 0.7 mbpd below the prior record set in Feb. 2020.  

  • Oil prices continue to erode with the futures curve in soft contango, as has been for the last several weeks.  

    • Doesn't look like Russian product exports are declining in any material fashion.

    • The data suggests that the WTI price could start with a “6” (ie., sub-$70) in the next couple of weeks.  If it does so, that would mark an entry point for the next cycle.

EIA PSR Week of Feb. 17th pdf

Rigs and Spreads Feb 17th: Not much news

  • Rigs counts eased back after large gains last week

  • Total oil rig counts fell, -2 to 607

  • Horizontal oil rig counts declined marginally, -1 to 562

  • The Permian shed 1 horizontal oil rig

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions rose to +0.75 / week, the first time this metric has been positive in the last ten weeks.

  • The breakeven to add horizontal oil rigs rose to $79 / barrel on a WTI basis with $76 on the screen

    • Our model suggests that rig counts will remain flat to down for the next two months or so

  • Frac spreads rose, +6 to 272, still no higher than a year ago

  • Rig and spread productivity numbers suggests DUC inventory may begin to erode once again, although the EIA reports DUC counts up modestly over the last three months

  • The EIA published the February Drilling Productivity Report (DPR) this past week

    • In the February DPR report, crude and condensate production from key shale plays rose to 9.03 mbpd in January, up 87 kbpd from December.  Total shale oil production growth has averaged 64 kbpd / month over the last three months

      • However, the EIA revised down historical shale production quite sharply, on average by more than 100 kbpd for November and December.  As such, reported shale production for January is actually below the prior estimate for December’s output.

    • Permian production was up 35 kbpd in January.  

      • Permian production growth has averaged 40 kbpd per month over the last three months, but the pace appears to be decelerating.  

      • The current trend line suggests Permian production could peak in Q3 or Q4

Rigs and Spreads Feb 17th pdf

EIA PSR Week of Feb 10th: Crude builds not as bad as the hype

  • The media reported a ‘massive’ crude inventory build this week, and indeed crude inventories rose by 16 mb --  a large, but not unprecedented, gain

  • However, excess crude inventories, as measured by days of turnover, rose only 2.2 mb because

    • Inventories tend to build seasonally in the spring, and refining, although still weak, has improved by 1.5 mbpd over the last month

    • As a result, additional crude inventory is needed to operate the system, and the net rise, after accounting for increased crude demand from refineries and seasonal factors is only a fraction of the nameplate 16 mb build

  • Product inventories are normal, with jet fuel a bit tight

  • Demand (consumption) remains weak, with total product supplied 5% below normal; gasoline 8%, distillate (diesel) 12% and kerosene (jet) 8% below normal on a 4 week moving average (wma) basis.  All of these remain stuck in recession territory, that is, pump prices remain high enough to prevent a full recovery of US refined products consumption, in aggregate running about 1 mbpd below normal

    • Having said that, weak diesel consumption is likely linked to warm weather in the northeast, where heating with fuel oil is common.  Too much should not be read into low diesel consumption

    • Further, although jet fuel consumption remains below normal on a 4 wma basis, it has actually posted above 2019 levels (‘normal’) for the last two weeks.  That’s a good sign both for recovery from the pandemic and indicative of discretionary income in consumers’ pockets

  • US oil production remains at 12.3 mbpd, up a bit over recent times, but still treading water overall

  • WTI remains in soft contango, and incentive to store analysis suggests supply continues to run ahead of demand by perhaps 1.5 mbpd globally.  If Russia’s exports do not fall, there is a $10 / barrel downside scenario in the short run.

Russia Federal Budget January 2023

A month ago, the Russian government reported the federal budget deficit at 2.3% of GDP for 2022, suggesting that Russia was coping with the fiscal impact of the war rather easily.  However, the annual numbers hid important trends.  To begin with, the war started in late February, and as a result, Q1 financials were largely unaffected.  Q2 saw high oil prices and stratospheric gas prices.  By Q3, however, oil and gas prices were falling, and sales volumes were tapering.  My earlier analysis of Q3 trend data suggested a 10% budget deficit at the time, but it was not clear whether this was in fact the case.

The January fiscal data suggest the Russian budget is indeed under considerable stress.  The Russian Ministry of Finance reported that, compared to January 2022, total federal government revenues are down 35%, and within this, oil and gas revenues are down 46% and tax revenues have fallen 28%.  That would be bad enough.

​​However, the spending side is also out of control, with January expenses up 59% on January 2023, in large part associated with keeping hundreds of thousands of troops armed and fed in the field​.  The result is a budget deficit running at a pace of 13.7% of GDP.   That is very large for a country without access to global credit markets.  

Russia still has various bank reserves, some ability to raid the coffers of state-owned companies like Gazprom and Rosneft, and the balance of Russia’s sovereign wealth fund.  This latter fund is reported to have a balance of $148 bn as of last month, that is, enough to cover half the deficit Russia would incur in 2023 if January’s deficit proves typical for the balance of the year.  As a result, the sovereign wealth fund will likely be drawn down to near zero, if not in 2023, then likely by mid-2024.  Putin’s reluctance to call another mobilization may be related to financial constraints, as conscripting half a million working age men and provisioning them in the field could only make the deficit that much worse.  

A recovering oil market may yet save Russia, but for the moment, oil prices remain restrained and the price cap appears effective.  Without materially higher oil prices, Russia faces difficult fiscal conditions in 2023.  By 2024, the situation is likely to be dire.

Rigs and Spreads Feb 10th: Rigs up, Spreads down

  • Rigs counts recovered

  • Total oil rig counts rebounded, +10 to 609

  • Horizontal oil rig counts similarly rose, +7 to 563

  • Net all 7 of the added horizontal rigs were from the Permian.

  • The pace of horizontal rig additions rose to -0.5 / week on a 4 wma basis, with this metric in negative numbers for the last two months

  • The calculated US breakeven to add horizontal oil rigs rose to $74 / barrel WTI versus $79 on the screen at writing.  

  • Frac spreads fell, -4 to 266, still no higher than a year ago

    • As with rigs, the local peak was reached on November 25th at 300 spreads.  

    • With the loss of spreads and rise in rigs, DUC counts appear stable

  • The overall thesis is unchanged.  The shale sector looks to be in trouble.

Washington Examiner highlights legalize-and-tax to end illegal immigration!

The Washington Examiner has run a lengthy piece on market-based visas --- a legalize-and-tax system --  calling it a potential compromise to close the border to illegal immigration.  Based on one of my earlier notes rounded out with additional commentary, How Biden could fix the border and get taxpayers $100 billion has a 'like' to 'dislike' ratio of 9:2 as republished on MSN.  That's an 82% approval rate from the public for an approach which most of my professional readers consider radical.  

It is hard to overstate the importance of this article, considering how it closes: 

[Legalize-and-tax] might offer a compromise for both political sides by pushing illegal immigrants to enroll in the visa program or face deportation. “Long-term undocumented will face a choice: Take a work permit at a price they can afford or be deported. This is not a hard decision,” [Kopits] said, adding, “As the precedent of California's botched marijuana legalization shows, closing the border to contraband, whether marijuana or undocumented labor, is not enough to end the internal black market — in our case, the employment of undocumented residents without work permits. The prohibition on both new and existing migrant labor must be lifted to regain control over the border and bring order to the internal U.S. labor market.”

This is the stalwartly conservative Washington Examiner stating that we -- both the left and right -- need to formally consider a comprehensive solution using market-based mechanisms to end illegal immigration across the border and contemplate the near universal granting of work permits to long-time undocumented residents to clear the internal market.  That's a big deal.  A very big deal.  This is vastly more ambitious than DACA or the Dreamers, and yes, you are reading about it in a hard-nosed, socially conservative paper.  

Why, and why now?  

The article's author, Paul Bedard, writes the "Washington Secrets" column for the Examiner.  I've known Paul for several years now, and he regularly covers my monthly border apprehensions reports.  He is the quintessential Washington insider (hence the 'secrets') and has his finger on the pulse of the conservative base.  He has read most of my work on illegal immigration for the last five years and knows the legalize-and-tax thesis.  I think he has focused on the idea for a number of reasons.

First, my border apprehension forecasts have proved accurate over the last several years, and certainly, that helps one's credibility.

Second, I think Paul has become more comfortable with the notion of illegal immigration as a black market in labor, one which can be addressed as we have other black markets, notably for alcohol, gambling and marijuana.  That insight, that illegal immigration is like other problems which we have successfully resolved, I think has been central to Paul's thinking.

Third, no one has a compelling alternative.  This is no surprise, because legalize-and-tax is materially the only proven approach to end black markets.   Neither more enforcement nor greater leniency will solve the issue, and we know because it has not for the last 58 years.  For all the vitriol, protesting, and editorial ink spilt over illegal immigration in recent decades, the border situation today is the worst ever by a substantial margin.  We need a collective solution.  Legalize-and-tax is the only one on offer.

My takeaway therefore is that Paul believes conservatives are willing to take a serious look at a market-based solution to illegal immigration.  The approval rating on the article suggests that the public agrees.  

It's time to move forward, and time for the pro-migrant side to weigh in.